
Highlights
Two recent federal actions, including a memo about alleged COVID-19 vaccine deaths and settlements creating a “detransition clinic,” show how official actions can present uncertain or uncommon outcomes as representative and lend credibility to narratives that go beyond what evidence supports.
Recent Developments
Official Actions Elevate Uncertain or Uncommon Outcomes in Debates Over Vaccine Safety and Gender-Affirming Care
Official actions can elevate unverified or uncommon outcomes in ways that shape public perceptions beyond what evidence suggests. Two developments show how such actions can lend weight to narratives not borne out by evidence, one by overstating a causal link not supported by data, and the other by creating an institution based on a premise research does not support.
FDA Analysis of Pediatric Deaths After COVID Vaccination Shows Weaker Link Than Officials Claimed
A small number of unverified reports became the basis for a claim of definitive, widespread harm when, last November, then-FDA vaccine chief Vinay Prasad told agency staff in an internal memo that at least 10 children had died “after and because of” receiving a COVID-19 vaccine, using that claim to argue for changes to vaccine approval and oversight.
The underlying analysis made public last month, however, found no deaths definitively linked to COVID-19 vaccination. The FDA reviewed 96 reports of child deaths submitted to the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS) through August 2025. Using WHO criteria and reviews of medical records and death certificates, officials concluded that none were “certain” to be linked to vaccination. Five were classified as “possible” and two as “probable,” but the report notes alternative explanations could not be ruled out. Most cases involved myocarditis, a rare heart inflammation that can also be caused by common infections, including COVID-19 itself.
The original memo presented preliminary findings with a certainty the underlying data did not support and did not reflect the limitations of VAERS, which is not intended to establish causality. The communication of vaccine safety information may be especially consequential at a time when confidence in COVID-19 vaccine safety remains lower than confidence in other childhood vaccines: KFF’s January Tracking Poll on Health Information and Trust found that eight in ten (81%) adults expressed confidence in the safety of MMR vaccines for children, compared to fewer than half (48%) who said the same about COVID-19 vaccines, though views of the COVID-19 vaccines are largely partisan.
Settlements Create “Detransition Clinic” Amid Narratives That Overstate Transition Regret
New efforts related to gender-affirming care for minors have presented cases of “detransition” or transition regret as representative of broader outcomes or a pattern of harm, though research finds both to be uncommon outcomes. Claims about “irreversible harm” often rely on inflated statistics, anecdotal stories, or misleading characterizations of surgeries for minors, which are rare and generally not recommended for younger adolescents. While some transgender people do choose to detransition, specialized clinics are not required to support this care.
Legal settlements reached last month between Texas Children’s Hospital, the Texas attorney general, and the U.S. Department of Justice may implicitly reinforce those narratives by creating what state officials called the country’s first “detransition clinic,” a facility for patients who want to stop or reverse a gender transition. The creation of such a clinic contrasts with research about gender-affirming care in practice. Many youth transition by making easily reversible social changes, like changes in clothing, names, or pronouns. Among transgender people who pursue medical transition, detransition is uncommon and transition regret rates are low. Many who do detransition cite pressure and discrimination rather than regret or a change in gender identity. Major medical associations continue to support gender-affirming care for minors when delivered carefully and with clinical oversight.
By creating a dedicated clinic, the settlements may reinforce narratives that frame regret and detransition as common outcomes. Additionally, DOJ’s involvement adds to the pressure providers have experienced in the face of a range of administration actions aimed at limiting this care, with effects potentially extending beyond Texas. At least 40 health care institutions have walked back such services since January 2025, generally citing external pressure rather than concerns about safety or effectiveness.
Why It Matters: When unrepresentative or unconfirmed cases are presented through official channels as representative of broader patterns of harm, they can appear to carry a credibility that the underlying evidence does not support.
What We’re Watching
Public Health Officials Are Tailoring Measles Vaccination Communication Strategies to Local Contexts Amid Declining Institutional Trust
As the ongoing measles outbreak surpasses 2,030 confirmed cases nationwide this year as of June 4, state health officials are adapting their communication strategies in response to declining trust in public health institutions and vaccines. In Utah, which has seen more than 600 cases since the outbreak began, officials have pursued a strategy of what they call “coordinated autonomy.” State health officials say they are coordinating with local health departments and trusted community figures like religious leaders to carry vaccine messaging, while deliberately avoiding a standardized state-wide response. This decentralized approach that relies on localized decision-making and voluntary behavior was shaped by post-COVID-19 pandemic distrust. According to reporting, Utah officials anticipate that a more coordinated response could backfire in communities where trust in government public health authorities has eroded. In practice, this has meant local health departments tailoring their own outreach. In southwest Utah, for example, officials have used weekly radio spots, press releases, and direct outreach to religious leaders, and focused messaging on asking residents who suspected they had measles to call before visiting a clinic.
Some other states with recent outbreaks, including South Carolina, rolled out a more state-wide, top-down public health response. Top-down approaches typically involve large-scale coordinated campaigns, and in South Carolina, this included mobile clinics, quarantine of unvaccinated individuals exposed to the virus, and structured briefings, alongside community outreach. These measures, while still more targeted than a broad COVID-style response, relied more on statewide coordination and a centralized approach. Cases in Utah have declined and South Carolina’s outbreak has been declared over, but whether and how much the different strategies contributed to those trends is difficult to assess.
The difference in approach represents a broader challenge in public health and vaccine communication that the current low-trust environment has made more difficult to navigate. Community-based approaches, particularly those relying on trusted local messengers, have shown effectiveness at building vaccine confidence in previous outbreaks, especially when messengers adapt to specific community concerns. Top-down approaches have also shown effectiveness at the population level. Research shows these approaches are particularly effective when barriers to vaccination are primarily about access or awareness and when existing infrastructure, like school vaccine requirements and established provider-patient relationships, provides a foundation for outreach. They may be less effective, though, in reaching strongly hesitant or polarized populations. Evidence on what strategies are most effective in the current low-trust environment remains limited.
Why It Matters: As research evolves, the strategies that work in one community may not work in another, and understanding what drives those differences is increasingly relevant to how outbreaks are managed.
Polling Insights: KFF polling has found that public trust in both federal health agencies and state government officials to provide reliable vaccine information has declined since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic. Prior KFF polling has also found that trust in state officials for vaccine information varies depending on whether people share the same political party as their state leadership. Democrats living in states with Democratic governors were more likely than Democrats in Republican-governed states to express trust in their state officials for vaccine information (66% v. 42%), as were Republicans living in states with Republican governors compared to Republicans in Democratic-governed states (47% v. 27%). This interplay of partisanship and trust may further impact how the public responds to public health communication strategies on the state and local level.
Knowledge Gaps About STIs and STI Prevention Persist
More than 2.2 million cases of chlamydia, gonorrhea, and syphilis were reported nationwide in 2024, 13% higher than a decade ago. Accurate understanding of how sexually transmitted infections (STIs) spread and which can be prevented may help address these rates, but a poll from the Annenberg Public Policy Center shows persistent gaps in knowledge and some enduring misconceptions about common STIs.
Most Americans understand the basics of how STIs spread, correctly identifying common transmission routes, though 1 in 5 (20%) incorrectly said sitting on a toilet seat was a risk. Knowledge about which STIs can be prevented through vaccination was more uneven. Awareness was highest for human papillomavirus (HPV), with 68% correctly identifying that a vaccine exists, though 14% incorrectly said it would lead teenagers to engage in risky sexual behavior. Less than half (42%) were aware that mpox was vaccine-preventable, and for infections with no available vaccine, like HIV and genital herpes, at least half were unsure or incorrectly believed vaccines existed.
Why It Matters: These gaps in public knowledge may contribute to vaccination decisions, even for infections where vaccines are available and recommended. The KFF/The Washington Post Survey of Parents, for example, found that about one in five (19%) parents of children under age 9 (who are not yet eligible for the HPV vaccine) said they would “probably not” or “definitely not” vaccinate their child for HPV, and another one in five (22%) were not sure. In open-ended responses, some parents who said they would not vaccinate their child for HPV cited concerns that the vaccine is associated with unsafe sexual behavior, while others cited concerns over side effects and safety.





